I'm not sure who you've spoken to, but at least among the AI policy people who I talk to regularly (which admittedly is a subset of people who I think are doing the most thoughtful/serious work), I think nearly all of them have thought about ways in which regulation + regulatory capture could be net negative. At least to the point of being able to name the relatively "easy" ways (e.g., governments being worse at alignment than companies).

I continue to think people should be forming alliances with those who share similar policy objectives, rather than simply those who belong in the "I believe xrisk is a big deal" camp. I've seen many instances in which the "everyone who believes xrisk is a big deal belongs to the same camp" mentality has been used to dissuade people from communicating their beliefs, communicating with policymakers, brainstorming ideas that involve coordination with other groups in the world, disagreeing with the mainline views held by a few AIS leaders, etc.

The cultural pressures against policy advocacy have been so strong that it's not surprising to see folks say things like "perhaps our groups are no longer natural allies" now that some of the xrisk-concerned people are beginning to say things like "perhaps the government should have more of a say in how AGI development goes than in status quo, where the government has played ~0 role and ~all decisions have been made by private companies."

Perhaps there's a multiverse out there in which the AGI community ended up attracting govt natsec folks instead of Bay Area libertarians, and the cultural pressures are flipped. Perhaps in that world, the default cultural incentives pushed people heavily brainstorming ways that markets and companies could contribute meaningfully to the AGI discourse, and the default position for the "AI risk is a big deal" camp was "well obviously the government should be able to decide what happens and it would be ridiculous to get companies involved– don't be unilateralist by going and telling VCs about this stuff."

I bring up this (admittedly kinda weird) hypothetical to point out just how skewed the status quo is. One might generally be wary of government overinvolvement in regulating emerging technologies yet still recognize that some degree of regulation is useful, and that position would likely still push them to be in the "we need more regulation than we currently have" camp.

As a final note, I'll point out to readers less familiar with the AI policy world that serious people are proposing lots of regulation that is in between "status quo with virtually no regulation" and "full-on pause." Some of my personal favorite examples include: emergency preparedness (akin to the OPPR), licensing (see Romney), reporting requirements, mandatory technical standards enforced via regulators, and public-private partnerships.

I'm interested in writing out somewhat detailed intelligence explosion scenarios. The goal would be to investigate what kinds of tools the US government would have to detect and intervene in the early stages of an intelligence explosion. 

If you know anyone who has thought about these kinds of questions, whether from the AI community or from the US government perspective, please feel free to reach out via LessWrong.

To what extent would the organization be factoring in transformative AI timelines? It seems to me like the kinds of questions one would prioritize in a "normal period" look very different than the kinds of questions that one would prioritize if they place non-trivial probability on "AI may kill everyone in <10 years" or "AI may become better than humans on nearly all cognitive tasks in <10 years."

I ask partly because I personally would be more excited of a version of this that wasn't ignoring AGI timelines, but I think a version of this that's not ignoring AGI timelines would probably be quite different from the intellectual spirit/tradition of FHI.

More generally, perhaps it would be good for you to describe some ways in which you expect this to be different than FHI. I think the calling it the FHI of the West, the explicit statement that it would have the intellectual tradition of FHI, and the announcement right when FHI dissolves might make it seem like "I want to copy FHI" as opposed to "OK obviously I don't want to copy it entirely I just want to draw on some of its excellent intellectual/cultural components." If your vision is the latter, I'd find it helpful to see a list of things that you expect to be similar/different.)

I would strongly suggest considering hires who would be based in DC (or who would hop between DC and Berkeley). In my experience, being in DC (or being familiar with DC & having a network in DC) is extremely valuable for being able to shape policy discussions, know what kinds of research questions matter, know what kinds of things policymakers are paying attention to, etc.

I would go as far as to say something like "in 6 months, if MIRI's technical governance team has not achieved very much, one of my top 3 reasons for why MIRI failed would be that they did not engage enough with DC people//US policy people. As a result, they focused too much on questions that Bay Area people are interested in and too little on questions that Congressional offices and executive branch agencies are interested in. And relatedly, they didn't get enough feedback from DC people. And relatedly, even the good ideas they had didn't get communicated frequently enough or fast enough to relevant policymakers. And relatedly... etc etc."

I do understand this trades off against everyone being in the same place, which is a significant factor, but I think the cost is worth it. 

I do think evaporative cooling is a concern, especially if everyone (or a very significant amount) of people left. But I think on the margin more people should be leaving to work in govt. 

I also suspect that a lot of systemic incentives will keep a greater-than-optimal proportion of safety-conscious people at labs as opposed to governments (labs pay more, labs are faster and have less bureaucracy, lab people are much more informed about AI, labs are more "cool/fun/fast-paced", lots of govt jobs force you to move locations, etc.)

I also think it depends on the specific lab– EG in light of the recent OpenAI departures, I suspect there's a stronger case for staying at OpenAI right now than for DeepMind or Anthropic. 

Daniel Kokotajlo has quit OpenAI

I think now is a good time for people at labs to seriously consider quitting & getting involved in government/policy efforts.

I don't think everyone should leave labs (obviously). But I would probably hit a button that does something like "everyone at a lab governance team and many technical researchers spend at least 2 hours thinking/writing about alternative options they have & very seriously consider leaving."

My impression is that lab governance is much less tractable (lab folks have already thought a lot more about AGI) and less promising (competitive pressures are dominating) than government-focused work. 

I think governments still remain unsure about what to do, and there's a lot of potential for folks like Daniel K to have a meaningful role in shaping policy, helping natsec folks understand specific threat models, and raising awareness about the specific kinds of things governments need to do in order to mitigate risks.

There may be specific opportunities at labs that are very high-impact, but I think if someone at a lab is "not really sure if what they're doing is making a big difference", I would probably hit a button that allocates them toward government work or government-focused comms work.

I think now is a good time for people at labs to seriously consider quitting & getting involved in government/policy efforts.

I don't think everyone should leave labs (obviously). But I would probably hit a button that does something like "everyone at a lab governance team and many technical researchers spend at least 2 hours thinking/writing about alternative options they have & very seriously consider leaving."

My impression is that lab governance is much less tractable (lab folks have already thought a lot more about AGI) and less promising (competitive pressures are dominating) than government-focused work. 

I think governments still remain unsure about what to do, and there's a lot of potential for folks like Daniel K to have a meaningful role in shaping policy, helping natsec folks understand specific threat models, and raising awareness about the specific kinds of things governments need to do in order to mitigate risks.

There may be specific opportunities at labs that are very high-impact, but I think if someone at a lab is "not really sure if what they're doing is making a big difference", I would probably hit a button that allocates them toward government work or government-focused comms work.

Written on a Slack channel in response to discussions about some folks leaving OpenAI. 

I think this should be broken down into two questions:

1. Before the EO, if we were asked to figure out where this kind of evals should happen, what institution would we pick & why?
2. After the EO, where does it make sense for evals-focused people to work?

I think the answer to #1 is quite unclear. I personally think that there was a strong case that a natsec-focused USAISI could have been given to DHS or DoE or some interagency thing. In addition to the point about technical expertise, it does seem relatively rare for Commerce/NIST to take on something that is so natsec-focused. 

But I think the answer to #2 is pretty clear. The EO clearly tasks NIST with this role, and now I think our collective goal should be to try to make sure NIST can execute as effectively as possible. Perhaps there will be future opportunities to establish new places for evals work, alignment work, risk monitoring and forecasting work, emergency preparedness planning, etc etc. But for now, whether we think it was the best choice or not, NIST/USAISI are clearly the folks who are tasked with taking the lead on evals + standards.

I'm excited to see how Paul performs in the new role. He's obviously very qualified on a technical level, and I suspect he's one of the best people for the job of designing and conducting evals.

I'm more uncertain about the kind of influence he'll have on various AI policy and AI national security discussions. And I mean uncertain in the genuine "this could go so many different ways" kind of way. 

Like, it wouldn't be particularly surprising to me if any of the following occurred:

• Paul focuses nearly all of his efforts on technical evals and doesn't get very involved in broader policy conversations
• Paul is regularly asked to contribute to broader policy discussions, and he advocates for RSPs and other forms of voluntary commitments.
• Paul is regularly asked to contribute to broader policy discussions, and he advocates for requirements that go beyond voluntary commitments and are much more ambitious than what he advocated for when he was at ARC.
• Paul is regularly asked to contribute to broader policy discussions, and he's not very good at communicating his beliefs in ways that are clear/concise/policymaker-friendly, so his influence on policy discussions is rather limited.
• Paul [is/isn't] able to work well with others who have very different worldviews and priorities.

Personally, I see this as a very exciting opportunity for Paul to form an identity as a leader in AI policy. I'm guessing the technical work will be his priority (and indeed, it's what he's being explicitly hired to do), but I hope he also finds ways to just generally improve the US government's understanding of AI risk and the likelihood of implementing reasonable policies. On the flipside, I hope he doesn't settle for voluntary commitments (especially as the Overton Window shifts) & I hope he's clear/open about the limitations of RSPs.

More specifically, I hope he's able to help policymakers reason about a critical question: what do we do after we've identified models with (certain kinds of) dangerous capabilities? I think the underlying logic behind RSPs could actually be somewhat meaningfully applied to USG policy. Like, I think we would be in a safer world if the USG had an internal understanding of ASL levels, took seriously the possibility of various dangerous capabilities thresholds being crossed, took seriously the idea that AGI/ASI could be developed soon, and had preparedness plans in place that allowed them to react quickly in the event of a sudden risk. 

Anyways, a big congratulations to Paul, and definitely some evidence that the USAISI is capable of hiring some technical powerhouses. 

I'll admit I have only been loosely following the control stuff, but FWIW I would be excited about a potential @peterbarnett & @ryan_greenblatt dialogue in which you two to try to identify & analyze any potential disagreements. Example questions:

• What is the most capable system that you think we are likely to be able to control?
• What kind of value do you think we could get out of such a system?
• To what extent do you expect that system to be able to produce insights that help us escape the acute risk period (i.e., get out of a scenario where someone else can come along and build a catastrophe-capable system without implementing control procedures or someone else comes along and scales to the point where the control procedures are no longer sufficient)