Yes.

There are two arguments frequently offered for a free market economy over a centrally planned economy: an argument based around knowledge, sometimes called the socialist calculation problem; and another argument based on incentives. The arguments can be briefly summarized like so:

• A central planning authority would not have enough knowledge to efficiently direct economic activity.
• A central planning authority would not have the right incentives to ensure that their direction was efficient.

A point I've not seen anyone else make is that the argument from knowledge is really itself an argument from incentives in the following sense: the sensory and computational capabilities of human civilization is naturally distributed among individual humans who have a high degree of agency over their own actions. An efficient planner ought to leverage this whole base of data and compute when making decisions, but this requires giving each individual human the incentive to participate in this distributed computing process.

The limited bandwidth of human communication (on the order of bytes per second) compared to human computational power (on the order of 1e15 ops per second for the brain) means that setting up such a distributed computing scheme requires most decisions to be made locally, and this allows many opportunities for individual participants to shirk the duties that would be assigned to them by an economic planner, not only through the work-effort channel (where shirking is more obvious in many industries and can be cracked down on using coercion) but also by falsifying the results of local computations.

So the knowledge problem for the central planner can also be understood as an incentive problem for the participants in the centrally planned economy. The free market gets around this problem by enabling each person or group of people to profit from inefficiencies they find in the system, thereby incentivizing them to contribute to the aggregate economic optimization task. The fact that individual optimizations can be made locally without the need for approval from a central authority means less pressure is put on the scarce communication bandwidth available to the economy, which is reserved for the transmission of important information. While the price mechanism plays a significant role here as would be argued by e.g. Hayekians, compressed information about what drives changes in prices can be just as important.

This brings up another important point which is that a lot of externalities are impossible to calculate, and therefore such approaches end up fixating on the part that seems calculable without even accounting for (or even noticing) the incalculable part. If the calculable externalities happen to be opposed to larger incalculable externalities, then you can end up worse off than if you had never tried.

I think this is correct as a conditional statement, but I don't think one can deduce the unconditional implication that attempting to price some externalities in domains where many externalities are difficult to price is generally bad.

As applied to the gun externality question, you could theoretically offer a huge payday to the gun shop that sold the firearm used to stop a spree shooting in progress, but you still need a body to count before paying out.

The nice feature of positive payments by the government (instead of fines, i.e. negative payments by the government) is that the judgment-proof defendant problem goes away, so there's no reason to actually make these payments to the gun shop at all: you can just directly pay the person who stops the shooting, which probably provides much better incentives to be a Good Samaritan without the shop trying to pass along this incentive to gun buyers.

I think this applies well to AI, because absent a scenario where gray goo rearranges everyone into paperclips (in which case everyone pays with their life anyway), a lot of the benefits and harms are likely to be illegible. If AI chatbots end up swaying the next election, what is the dollar value we need to stick on someone? How do we know if it's even positive or negative, or if it even happened? If we latch onto the one measurable thing, that might not help.

I don't agree that most of the benefits of AI are likely to be illegible. I expect plenty of them to take the form of new consumer products that were not available before, for example. "A lot of the benefits" is a weaker phrasing and I don't quite know how to interpret it, but I thought it's worth flagging my disagreement with the adjacent phrasing I used.

In general, I don't agree with arguments of the form "it's difficult to quantify the externalities so we shouldn't quantify anything and ignore all external effects" modulo concerns about public choice ("what if the policy pursued is not what you would recommend but some worse alternative?"), which are real and serious, though out of the scope of my argument. There's no reason a priori to suppose that any positive or negative effects not currently priced will be of the same order of magnitude.

If you think there are benefits to having a population where most people own guns that are not going to be captured by the incentives of individuals who purchase guns for their own purposes, it's better to try to estimate what that effect size is and then provide appropriate incentives to people who want to purchase guns. The US government pursues such policies in other domains: for example, one of the motivations that led to the Jones Act was the belief that the market would not assign sufficient value to the US maintaining a large domestic shipbuilding industry at peacetime.

In addition, I would dispute that some of these are in fact external effects by necessity. You can imagine some of them being internalized, e.g. by governments offering rewards to citizens who prevent crime (which gives an extra incentive to such people to purchase guns as it would make their interventions more effective). Even the crime prevention benefit could be internalized to a great extent by guns being sold together with a kind of proof-of-ownership that is hard to counterfeit, similar to the effect that open carry policies have in states which have them.

There's a more general public choice argument against this kind of policy, which is that governments lack the incentives to actually discover the correct magnitude of the externalities and then intervene in the appropriate way to maximize efficiency or welfare. I think that's true in general, and in the specific case of guns it might be a reason to not want the government to do anything at all, but in my opinion that argument becomes less compelling when the potential harms of a technology are large enough.

If the risk is sufficiently high, then the shops would simply not sell guns to anyone who seemed like they might let their guns be stolen, for example. Note that the shops would still be held liable for any harm that occurs as a result of any gun they have sold, irrespective of whether the buyer was also the perpetrator of the harm.

In practice, the risk of a gun sold to a person with a safe background being used in such an act is probably not that large, so such a measure doesn't need to be taken: the shop can just sell the guns at a somewhat inflated price to compensate for the risk of the gun being misused in some way, and this is efficient. If you were selling e.g. nuclear bombs instead of guns, then you would demand any prospective buyer meet a very high standard of safety before selling them anything, as the expected value of the damages in this case would be much higher.

The police arresting people who steal guns does nothing to fix the problem of shootings if the gun is used shortly after it is stolen, and police are not very good at tracking down stolen items to begin with, so I don't understand the point of your example.

Open source might be viable if it's possible for the producers to add safeguards into the model that cannot be trivially undone by cheap fine-tuning, but yeah, I would agree with that given the current lack of techniques for doing this successfully.

The shop has the ability to invest more in security if they will be held liable for subsequent harm. They can also buy insurance themselves and pass on the cost to people who do purchase guns legally as an additional operating expense.

It is not a tautology.

Can you explain to me the empirical content of the claim, then? I don't understand what it's supposed to mean.

About the rest of your comment, I'm confused about why you're discussing what happens when both chess engines and humans have a lot of time to do something. For example, what's the point of this statement?

My understanding is that it is not true that if you ran computers for a long time that they would beat the human also running for a long time, and that historically, it's been quite the opposite...

I don't understand how this statement is relevant to any claim I made in my comment. Humans beating computers at equal time control is perfectly consistent with the computers being slower than humans. If you took a human and slowed them down by a factor of 10, that's the same pattern you would see.

Are you instead trying to find examples of tasks where computers were beaten by humans when given a short time to do the task but could beat the humans when given a long time to do the task? That's a very different claim from "in every case where we've successfully gotten AI to do a task at all, AI has done that task far far faster than humans".

Yes, that's what I'm trying to say, though I think in actual practice the numbers you need would have been much smaller for the Go AIs I'm talking about than they would be for the naive tree search approach.