I don't mean to put regulation and stopping in opposition. My point is that, stopping is likely a precondition for any form of regulation that would significantly slow down development or deployment. Like, you, I am trying to argue against framings that put
“we need a global treaty to stop AI risks” in opposition to “domestic regulation is the only realistic path.”
I think stopping unlocks a lot of ability for countries to regulate in line with their values and priorities that otherwise might not be possible because of race dynamics.
I've tried to edit my post to make that clearer, please let me know if you have any specific suggestions on that front.
I agree treaties, regulations and research are complementary. However, I see a bigger role for regulation than David says - I think it can incrementally build up defenses to stop dangerous releases.
In particular, I advocate requiring safety cases with increasing stringency for increasingly risky capabilities (like loss of control) as the most urgent way to address x-risk. It will be easier to start by establishing a framework for this bottom up e.g., in California, and then build up support in different nations and ultimately establish international coordination. Also, the US is driving the AI race - I believe Chinese progress is mostly downstream of the much larger investments US labs are making (e.g., RL environment and data vendors seeded by US lab customers).
Requiring safety cases would create important incentives for industry to invest in safety and scientific understanding to better build safety cases. The safety cases would block deployment (eventually even training) without real progress on alignment and evidence of efficacy. We can start by regulating the largest labs who are driving the race and extend regulation as capabilities advance.
We can more easily coordinate around concrete safety proposals and convincing other nations to block risky AI activities. A pause regime based on limiting hardware would be challenging (e.g., MIRI's proposal covers 16 H100 equivalents yet it still doesn't have a way to catch decentralized training). Likewise for limiting research that advances AI capabilities: where do you draw the line on hardware advances, general algorithm improvements, computational neuroscience.
I wrote an article with more details on how this can work:
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/who-gets-stop-unsafe-ai-release-ron-bodkin-iinge/
I think the debate over whether AI risk should be addressed via regulation or treaties is often oversimplified, and confused. These are not substitutes. They rely on overlapping underlying capacities and address different classes of problems, and both van benefit from certain classes of research.
David Krueger, to pick on someone whose work I largely agree with, recently posted that “Stopping AI is easier than regulating it.” I largely agree with what he says. Unfortunately, I also think it is an example[1] of advocates for a cause creating fights where they're not needed, and in this case making the discussions around AI unfortunately more rather than less contentious, and less rather than more effective.
And the reason the fights are not needed is that different risks live at different levels, and different tools are effective in different ways.
Clearly, many of the risks and harms of AI should not be addressed internationally. There is little reason or ability to harmonize domestic laws on fraud, discrimination, or liability, which would be a distraction from either reducing the harms or addressing other risks. Existing laws should be adapted and applied, and new regulations should be formulated where needed. International oversight would be unwieldy and ineffective for even most treaty compliance efforts - as other treaties show, there is a mix of national and international oversight. But domestic regulation can create liability incentives, require or standardize audits, clarify rules, and provide enforcement mechanisms and resources. All of those are at least sometimes useful for treaties as well. When Krueger says “the way I imagine stopping AI is actually a particular form of regulating AI,” he is not talking about the harms and risks regulation could address - though given what he has said elsewhere, he agrees that many of them are worth mitigating, even if they are not his highest priority. So it should be clear that treaties will not, cannot, and should not address most prosaic risks of AI systems and misuse.
By the converse argument, which he and others have made convincingly in the past, some harms of AI systems come from racing towards capability rather than prioritizing safety. These types of risk emerge from the dynamics of international markets and from great power competition. Obviously, these dynamics aren’t well addressed by domestic regulation on the part of any single actor. It is incomprehensible to talk about regulation alone to address those risks, just like it is tendentious to talk about using international treaties to mitigate other classes of risks and harms of AI systems.
Unfortunately, many discussions put “we need a global treaty to stop AI risks” in opposition to “domestic regulation is the only realistic path.” Not only do I think this is backwards, but I’ll argue that so is the related false dichotomy of industry self-regulation versus government rules. Industries that embrace safety welcome well-built regulation. Even in areas where they don’t have strict rules, airlines have national bodies that manage risk and accident reporting. (And the AI industry leaders often claim to be the same way, wanting national or international rules - just not any specific ones.)
So, to come to my unsurprising conclusion, we actually have several different plausibly positive and at least partially complementary approaches.
So we end up with a sort of triad, where research can enable measurement and definitions, and provide tools, regulation can force adoption and enforce usage of tools, and treaties can align incentives around defection dilemmas and provide common aims.
This doesn’t imply that most safety research is net risk-reducing, that most regulation is useful, or that most possible treaties will reduce risks. But it does say that they can be complementary. Some disagreements are substantive. But others are treating complementary approaches as mutually exclusive - and I think we should instead figure out common ground, which can make the fights about these issues both more concrete, and narrower.
yet another example