If the balance of opinion of scientists and policymakers (or those who had briefly heard arguments) was that AI catastrophic risk is high, and that this should be a huge social priority, then you could do a lot of things. For example, you could get budgets of tens of billions of dollars for interpretability research, the way governments already provide tens of billions of dollars of subsidies to strengthen their chip industries. Top AI people would be applying to do safety research in huge numbers. People like Bill Gates and Elon Musk who nominally take AI risk seriously would be doing stuff about it, and Musk could have gotten more traction when he tried to make his case to government.
My perception based on many areas of experience is that policymakers and your AI expert survey respondents on the whole think that these risks are too speculative and not compelling enough to outweigh the gains from advancing AI rapidly (your survey respondents state those are much more likely than the harms). In particular, there is much more enthusiasm for the positive gains from AI than your payoff matrix suggests (particularly among AI researchers), and more mutual fear (e.g. the CCP does not wan...
I think this comment is overstating the case for policymakers and the electorate actually believing that investing in AI is good for the world. I think the answer currently is "we don't know what policymakers and the electorate actually want in relation to AI" as well as "the relationship of policymakers and the electorate is in the middle of shifting quite rapidly, so past actions are not that predictive of future actions".
I really only have anecdata to go on (though I don't think anyone has much better), but my sense from doing informal polls of e.g. Uber drivers, people on Twitter, and perusing a bunch of Subreddits (which, to be clear, is a terrible sample) is that indeed a pretty substantial fraction of the world is now quite afraid of the consequences of AI, both in a "this change is happening far too quickly and we would like it to slow down" sense, and in a "yeah, I am actually worried about killer robots killing everyone" sense. I think both of these positions are quite compatible with pushing for a broad slow down. There is also a very broad and growing "anti-tech" movement that is more broadly interested in giving less resources to the tech sector, whose aims are at leas...
I agree there is some weak public sentiment in this direction (with the fear of AI takeover being weaker). Privacy protections and redistribution don't particularly favor measures to avoid AI apocalypse.
I'd also mention this YouGov survey:
But the sentiment looks weak compared to e.g. climate change and nuclear war, where fossil fuel production and nuclear arsenals continue, although there are significant policy actions taken in hopes of avoiding those problems. The sticking point is policymakers and the scientific community. At the end of the Obama administration the President asked scientific advisors what to make of Bostrom's Superintelligence, and concluded not to pay attention to it because it was not an immediate threat. If policymakers and their advisors and academia and the media think such public concerns are confused, wrongheaded, and not politically powerful they won't work to satisfy them against more pressing concerns like economic growth and national security. This is a lot worse than the situation for climate change, which is why it seems better regulation requires that the expert and elite debate play out differently, or the hope that later circumstances ...
But the sentiment looks weak compared to e.g. climate change and nuclear war, where fossil fuel production and nuclear arsenals continue,
That seems correct to me, but on the other hand, I think the public sentiment against things like GMOs was also weaker than the one that we currently have against climate change, and GMOs got slowed down regardless. Also I'm not sure how strong the sentiment against nuclear power was relative to the one against climate change, but in any case, nuclear power got hindered quite a bit too.
I think one important aspect where fossil fuels are different from GMOs and nuclear power is that fossil fuel usage is firmly entrenched across the economy and it's difficult, costly, and slow to replace it. Whereas GMOs were a novel thing and governments could just decide to regulate them and slow them down without incurring major immediate costs. As for nuclear power, it was somewhat entrenched in that there were many existing plants, but society could make the choice to drastically reduce the progress of building new ones - which it did.
Nuclear arsenals don't quite fit this model - in principle, one could have stopped expanding them, but they did keep growi...
I'll shill here and say that Rethink Priorities is pretty good at running polls of the electorate if anyone wants to know what a representative sample of Americans think about a particular issue such as this one. No need to poll Uber drivers or Twitter when you can do the real thing!
I'd very much like to see this done with standard high-quality polling techniques, e.g. while airing counterarguments (like support for expensive programs that looks like majority but collapses if higher taxes to pay for them is mentioned). In particular, how the public would react given different views coming from computer scientists/government commissions/panels.
That makes a lot of sense. We can definitely test a lot of different framings. I think the problem with a lot of these kinds of problems is that they are low saliency, and thus people tend not to have opinions already, and thus they tend to generate an opinion on the spot. We have a lot of experience polling on low saliency issues though because we've done a lot of polling on animal farming policy which has similar framing effects.
I think I would have totally agreed in 2016. One update since then is that I think progress scales way less than resources than I used to think it did. In many historical cases, a core component of progress driven by a small number of people (which is reflected in citation counts, who is actually taught in textbooks), and introducing lots of funding and scaling too fast can disrupt that by increasing the amount of fake work.
$1B in safety well-spent is clearly more impactful than $1B less in semiconductors, it's just that "well-spent" is doing a lot of work, someone with a lot of money is going to have lots of people trying to manipulate their information environment to take their stuff.
Reducing especially dangerous tech progress seems more promising than reducing tech broadly, however since these are dual use techs, creating knowledge about which techs are dangerous can accelerate development in these sectors (especially the more vice signalling / conflict orientation is going on). This suggests that perhaps an effective way to apply this strategy is to recruit especially productive researchers (identified using asymmetric info) to labs where they work on something less dangerous.
In gain of function research and nuclear research, progress requires large expensive laboratories; AI theory progress doesn't require that, although large scale training does (though, to a lesser extent than GOF or nuclear).
There are plenty of movements out there (ethics & inclusion, digital democracy, privacy, etc.) who are against current directions of AI developments, and they don’t need the AGI risk argument to be convinced that current corporate scale-up of AI models is harmful.
Working with them, redirecting AI developments away from more power-consolidating/general AI may not be that much harder than investing in supposedly “risk-mitigating” safety research.
Do you think there is a large risk of AI systems killing or subjugating humanity autonomously related to scale-up of AI models?
A movement pursuing antidiscrimination or privacy protections for applications of AI that thinks the risk of AI autonomously destroying humanity is nonsense seems like it will mainly demand things like the EU privacy regulations, not bans on using $10B of GPUs instead of $10M in a model. It also seems like it wouldn't pursue measures targeted at the kind of disaster it denies, and might actively discourage them (this sometimes happens already). With a threat model of privacy violations restrictions on model size would be a huge lift and the remedy wouldn't fit the diagnosis in a way that made sense to policymakers. So I wouldn't expect privacy advocates to bring them about based on their past track record, particularly in China where privacy and digital democracy have not had great success.
If it in fact is true that there is a large risk of almost everyone alive today being killed or subjugated by AI, then establishing that as scientific consensus seems like it would supercharge a response dwarfing current efforts for things like privacy rules, which would ...
A movement pursuing antidiscrimination or privacy protections for applications of AI that thinks the risk of AI autonomously destroying humanity is nonsense seems like it will mainly demand things like the EU privacy regulations, not bans on using $10B of GPUs instead of $10M in a model".
I can imagine there being movements that fit this description, in which case I would not focus on talking with them or talking about them.
But I have not been in touch with any movements matching this description. Perhaps you could share specific examples of actions from specific movements you have in mind?
For the movements I have in mind (and am talking with), the description does not match at all:
I agree that some specific leaders you cite have expressed distaste for model scaling, but it seems not to be a core concern. In a choice between more politically feasible measures that target concerns they believe are real vs concerns they believe are imaginary and bad, I don't think you get the latter. And I think arguments based on those concerns get traction on measures addressing the concerns, but less so on secondary wishlist items of leaders .
I think that's the reason privacy advocacy in legislation and the like hasn't focused on banning computers in the past (and would have failed if they tried). For example:
If privacy and data ownership movements take their own claims seriously (and some do), they would push for banning the training of ML models on human-generated data or any sensor-based surveillance that can be used to track humans' activities.
AGI working with AI generated data or data shared under the terms and conditions of web services can power the development of highly intelligent catastrophically dangerous systems, and preventing AI from reading published content doesn't seem close to the core motives there, especially for public support on privacy. So ...
This is like saying there's no value to learning about and stopping a nuclear attack from killing you because you might get absolutely no benefit from not being killed then, and being tipped off about a threat trying to kill you, because later the opponent might kill you with nanotechnology before you can prevent it.
Removing intentional deception or harm greatly increases the capability of AIs that can be worked with without getting killed, to further improve safety measures. And as I said actually being able to show a threat to skeptics is immensely better for all solutions, including relinquishment, than controversial speculation.
As requested by Remmelt I'll make some comments on the track record of privacy advocates, and their relevance to alignment.
I did some active privacy advocacy in the context of the early Internet in the 1990s, and have been following the field ever since. Overall, my assessment is that the privacy advocacy/digital civil rights community has had both failures and successes. It has not succeeded (yet) in its aim to stop large companies and governments from having all your data. On the other hand, it has been more successful in its policy advocacy towards limiting what large companies and governments are actually allowed to do with all that data.
The digital civil rights community has long promoted the idea that Internet based platforms and other computer systems must be designed and run in a way that is aligned with human values. In the context of AI and ML based computer systems, this has led to demands for AI fairness and transparency/explainability that have also found their way into policy like the GDPR, legislation in California, and the upcoming EU AI Act. AI fairness demands have influenced the course of AI research being done, e.g. there has been research on defining i...
A movement pursuing antidiscrimination or privacy protections for applications of AI that thinks the risk of AI autonomously destroying humanity is nonsense seems like it will mainly demand things like the EU privacy regulations, not bans on using $10B of GPUs instead of $10M in a model.
This is a very spicy take, but I would (weakly) guess that a hypothetical ban on ML trainings that cost more than $10M would make AGI timelines marginally shorter rather than longer, via shifting attention and energy away from scaling and towards algorithm innovation.
Very interesting! Recently, US started to regulate export of computing power to China. Do you expect this to speed up AGI timeline in China, or do you expect regulation to be ineffective, or something else?
Reportedly, NVIDIA developed A800, which is just A100, to keep the letter but probably not the spirit of the regulation. I am trying to follow closely how A800 fares, because it seems to be an important data point on feasibility of regulating computing power.
Most AI companies and most employees there seem not to buy risk much, and to assign virtually no resources to address those issues. Unilaterally holding back from highly profitable AI when they won't put a tiny portion of those profits into safety mitigation again looks like an ask out of line with their weak interest. Even at the few significant companies with higher percentages of safety effort, it still looks to me like the power-weighted average of staff is extremely into racing to the front, at least to near the brink of catastrophe or until governments buy risks enough to coordinate slowdown.
So asks like investing in research that could demonstrate problems with higher confidence, or making models available for safety testing, or similar still seem much easier to get from those companies than stopping (and they have reasonable concerns that their unilateral decision might make the situation worse by reducing their ability to do helpful things, while regulatory industry-wide action requires broad support).
As with government, generating evidence and arguments that are more compelling could be super valuable, but pretending you have more support than you do yields incorrect recommendations about what to try.
looks to me like the power-weighted average of staff is extremely into racing to the front, at least to near the brink of catastrophe or until governments buy risks enough to coordinate slowdown.
Can anyone say confident why? Is there one reason that predominates, or several? Like it's vaguely something about status, money, power, acquisitive mimesis, having a seat at the table... but these hypotheses are all weirdly dismissive of the epistemics of these high-powered people, so either we're talking about people who are high-powered because of the managerial revolution (or politics or something), or we're talking about researchers who are high-powered because they're given power because they're good at research. If it's the former, politics, then it makes sense to strongly doubt their epistemics on priors, but we have to ask, why can they meaningfully direct the researchers who are actually good at advancing capabilities? If it's the latter, good researchers have power, then why are their epistemics suddenly out the window here? I'm not saying their epistemics are actually good, I'm saying we have to understand why they're bad if we're going to slow down AI through this central route.
There are a lot of pretty credible arguments for them to try, especially with low risk estimates for AI disempowering humanity, and if their percentile of responsibility looks high within the industry.
One view is that the risk of AI turning against humanity is less than the risk of a nasty eternal CCP dictatorship if democracies relinquish AI unilaterally. You see this sort of argument made publicly by people like Eric Schmidt, and 'the real risk isn't AGI revolt, it's bad humans' is almost a reflexive take for many in online discussion of AI risk. That view can easily combine with the observation that there has been even less takeup of AI safety in China thus far than in liberal democracies, and mistrust of CCP decision-making and honesty, so it also reduces accident risk.
With respect to competition with other companies in democracies, some labs can correctly say that they have taken action that signals they are more into taking actions towards safety or altruistic values (including based on features like control by non-profit boards or % of staff working on alignment), and will have vastly more AI expertise, money, and other resources to promote those goals in the future by...
Thank you, this is a good post.
My main point of disagreement is that you point to successful coordination in things like not eating sand, or not wearing weird clothing. The upside of these things is limited, but you say the upside of superintelligence is also limited because it could kill us.
But rephrase the question to "Should we create an AI that's 1% better than the current best AI?" Most of the time this goes well - you get prettier artwork or better protein folding prediction, and it doesn't kill you. So there's strong upside to building slightly better AIs, as long as you don't cross the "kills everyone" level. Which nobody knows the location of. And which (LW conventional wisdom says) most people will be wrong about.
We successfully coordinate a halt to AI advancement at the first point where more than half of the relevant coordination power agrees that the next 1% step forward is in expectation bad rather than good. But "relevant" is a tough qualifier, because if 99 labs think it's bad, and one lab thinks it's good, then unless there's some centralizing force, the one lab can go ahead and take the step. So "half the relevant coordination power" has to include either every la...
I loved the link to the "Resisted Technological Temptations Project", for a bunch of examples of resisted/slowed technologies that are not "eating sand", and have an enormous upside: https://wiki.aiimpacts.org/doku.php?id=responses_to_ai:technological_inevitability:incentivized_technologies_not_pursued:start
I would tentatively add:
Katja, many thanks for writing this, and Oliver, thanks for this comment pointing out that everyday people are in fact worried about AI x-risk. Since around 2017 when I left MIRI to rejoin academia, I have been trying continually to point out that everyday people are able to easily understand the case for AI x-risk, and that it's incorrect to assume the existence of AI x-risk can only be understood by a very small and select group of people. My arguments have often been basically the same as yours here: in my case, informal conversations with Uber drivers, random academics, and people at random public social events. Plus, the argument is very simple: If things are smarter than us, they can outsmart us and cause us trouble. It's always seemed strange to say there's an "inferential gap" of substance here.
However, for some reason, the idea that people outside the LessWrong community might recognize the existence of AI x-risk — and therefore be worth coordinating with on the issue — has felt not only poorly received on LessWrong, but also fraught to even suggest. For instance, I tried to point it out in this previous post:
The question feels leading enough that I don't really know how to respond. Many of these sentences sound pretty crazy to me, so I feel like I primarily want to express frustration and confusion that you assign those sentences to me or "most of the LessWrong community".
However, for some reason, the idea that people outside the LessWrong community might recognize the existence of AI x-risk — and therefore be worth coordinating with on the issue — has felt not only poorly received on LessWrong, but also fraught to even suggest. For instance, I tried to point it out in this previous post:
I think John Wentworth's question is indeed the obvious question to ask. It does really seem like our prior should be that the world will not react particularly sanely here.
I also think it's really not true that coordination has been "fraught to even suggest". I think it's been suggested all the time, and certain coordination plans seem more promising than others. Like, even Eliezer was for a long time apparently thinking that Deepmind having a monopoly on AGI development was great and something to be protected, which very much involves coordinating with people outside of the LessWrong community.
T...
I think mostly I expect us to continue to overestimate the sanity and integrity of most of the world, then get fucked over like we got fucked over by OpenAI or FTX. I think there are ways to relating to the rest of the world that would be much better, but a naive update in the direction of "just trust other people more" would likely make things worse.
[...]
Again, I think the question you are raising is crucial, and I have giant warning flags about a bunch of the things that are going on (the foremost one is that it sure really is a time to reflect on your relation to the world when a very prominent member of your community just stole 8 billion dollars of innocent people's money and committed the largest fraud since Enron), [...]
I very much agree with the sentiment of the second paragraph.
Regarding the first paragraph, my own take is that (many) EAs and rationalists might be wise to trust themselves and their allies less.[1]
The main update of the FTX fiasco (and other events I'll describe later) I'd make is that perhaps many/most EAs and rationalists aren't very good at character judgment. They probably trust other EAs and rationalists too readily because they are part of...
Critch, I agree it’s easy for most people to understand the case for AI being risky. I think the core argument for concern—that it seems plausibly unsafe to build something far smarter than us—is simple and intuitive, and personally, that simple argument in fact motivates a plurality of my concern. That said:
However, for some reason, the idea that people outside the LessWrong community might recognize the existence of AI x-risk — and therefore be worth coordinating with on the issue — has felt not only poorly received on LessWrong, but also fraught to even suggest.
I object to this hyperbolic and unfair accusation. The entire AI Governance field is founded on this idea; this idea is not only fine to suggest, but completely uncontroversial accepted wisdom. That is, if by "this idea" you really mean literally what you said -- "people outside the LW community might recognize the existence of AI x-risk and be worth coordinating with on the issue." Come on.
I am frustated by what appears to me to be constant straw-manning of those who disagree with you on these matters. Just because people disagree with you doesn't mean there's a sinister bias at play. I mean, there's usually all sorts of sinister biases at play at all sides of every dispute, but the way to cut through them isn't to go around slinging insults at each other about who might be biased, it's to stay on the object level and sort through the arguments.
Averting doom by not building the doom machine
If you fear that someone will build a machine that will seize control of the world and annihilate humanity, then one kind of response is to try to build further machines that will seize control of the world even earlier without destroying it, forestalling the ruinous machine’s conquest. An alternative or complementary kind of response is to try to avert such machines being built at all, at least while the degree of their apocalyptic tendencies is ambiguous.
The latter approach seems to me like the kind of basic and obvious thing worthy of at least consideration, and also in its favor, fits nicely in the genre ‘stuff that it isn’t that hard to imagine happening in the real world’. Yet my impression is that for people worried about extinction risk from artificial intelligence, strategies under the heading ‘actively slow down AI progress’ have historically been dismissed and ignored (though ‘don’t actively speed up AI progress’ is popular).
The conversation near me over the years has felt a bit like this:
This seems like an error to me. (And lately, to a bunch of other people.)
I don’t have a strong view on whether anything in the space of ‘try to slow down some AI research’ should be done. But I think a) the naive first-pass guess should be a strong ‘probably’, and b) a decent amount of thinking should happen before writing off everything in this large space of interventions. Whereas customarily the tentative answer seems to be, ‘of course not’ and then the topic seems to be avoided for further thinking. (At least in my experience—the AI safety community is large, and for most things I say here, different experiences are probably had in different bits of it.)
Maybe my strongest view is that one shouldn’t apply such different standards of ambition to these different classes of intervention. Like: yes, there appear to be substantial difficulties in slowing down AI progress to good effect. But in technical alignment, mountainous challenges are met with enthusiasm for mountainous efforts. And it is very non-obvious that the scale of difficulty here is much larger than that involved in designing acceptably safe versions of machines capable of taking over the world before anyone else in the world designs dangerous versions.
I’ve been talking about this with people over the past many months, and have accumulated an abundance of reasons for not trying to slow down AI, most of which I’d like to argue about at least a bit. My impression is that arguing in real life has coincided with people moving toward my views.
Quick clarifications
First, to fend off misunderstanding—
- reducing the speed at which AI progress is made in general, e.g. as would occur if general funding for AI declined.
- shifting AI efforts from work leading more directly to risky outcomes to other work, e.g. as might occur if there was broadscale concern about very large AI models, and people and funding moved to other projects.
- Halting categories of work until strong confidence in its safety is possible, e.g. as would occur if AI researchers agreed that certain systems posed catastrophic risks and should not be developed until they did not. (This might mean a permanent end to some systems, if they were intrinsically unsafe.)
(So in particular, I’m including both actions whose direct aim is slowness in general, and actions whose aim is requiring safety before specific developments, which implies slower progress.)Why not slow down AI? Why not consider it?
Ok, so if we tentatively suppose that this topic is worth even thinking about, what do we think? Is slowing down AI a good idea at all? Are there great reasons for dismissing it?
Scott Alexander wrote a post a little while back raising reasons to dislike the idea, roughly:
Other opinions I’ve heard, some of which I’ll address:
My impression is that there are also less endorsable or less altruistic or more silly motives floating around for this attention allocation. Some things that have come up at least once in talking to people about this, or that seem to be going on:
(Illustration from a co-founder of modern computational reinforcement learning: )
I’m not sure if any of this fully resolves why AI safety people haven’t thought about slowing down AI more, or whether people should try to do it. But my sense is that many of the above reasons are at least somewhat wrong, and motives somewhat misguided, so I want to argue about a lot of them in turn, including both arguments and vague motivational themes.
The mundanity of the proposal
Restraint is not radical
There seems to be a common thought that technology is a kind of inevitable path along which the world must tread, and that trying to slow down or avoid any part of it would be both futile and extreme.2
But empirically, the world doesn’t pursue every technology—it barely pursues any technologies.
Sucky technologies
For a start, there are many machines that there is no pressure to make, because they have no value. Consider a machine that sprays shit in your eyes. We can technologically do that, but probably nobody has ever built that machine.
This might seem like a stupid example, because no serious ‘technology is inevitable’ conjecture is going to claim that totally pointless technologies are inevitable. But if you are sufficiently pessimistic about AI, I think this is the right comparison: if there are kinds of AI that would cause huge net costs to their creators if created, according to our best understanding, then they are at least as useless to make as the ‘spray shit in your eyes’ machine. We might accidentally make them due to error, but there is not some deep economic force pulling us to make them. If unaligned superintelligence destroys the world with high probability when you ask it to do a thing, then this is the category it is in, and it is not strange for its designs to just rot in the scrap-heap, with the machine that sprays shit in your eyes and the machine that spreads caviar on roads.
Ok, but maybe the relevant actors are very committed to being wrong about whether unaligned superintelligence would be a great thing to deploy. Or maybe you think the situation is less immediately dire and building existentially risky AI really would be good for the people making decisions (e.g. because the costs won’t arrive for a while, and the people care a lot about a shot at scientific success relative to a chunk of the future). If the apparent economic incentives are large, are technologies unavoidable?
Extremely valuable technologies
It doesn’t look like it to me. Here are a few technologies which I’d guess have substantial economic value, where research progress or uptake appears to be drastically slower than it could be, for reasons of concern about safety or ethics3:
It seems to me that intentionally slowing down progress in technologies to give time for even probably-excessive caution is commonplace. (And this is just looking at things slowed down over caution or ethics specifically—probably there are also other reasons things get slowed down.)
Furthermore, among valuable technologies that nobody is especially trying to slow down, it seems common enough for progress to be massively slowed by relatively minor obstacles, which is further evidence for a lack of overpowering strength of the economic forces at play. For instance, Fleming first took notice of mold’s effect on bacteria in 1928, but nobody took a serious, high-effort shot at developing it as a drug until 1939.4 Furthermore, in the thousands of years preceding these events, various people noticed numerous times that mold, other fungi or plants inhibited bacterial growth, but didn’t exploit this observation even enough for it not to be considered a new discovery in the 1920s. Meanwhile, people dying of infection was quite a thing. In 1930 about 300,000 Americans died of bacterial illnesses per year (around 250/100k).
My guess is that people make real choices about technology, and they do so in the face of economic forces that are feebler than commonly thought.
Restraint is not terrorism, usually
I think people have historically imagined weird things when they think of ‘slowing down AI’. I posit that their central image is sometimes terrorism (which understandably they don’t want to think about for very long), and sometimes some sort of implausibly utopian global agreement.
Here are some other things that ‘slow down AI capabilities’ could look like (where the best positioned person to carry out each one differs, but if you are not that person, you could e.g. talk to someone who is):
Coordination is not miraculous world government, usually
The common image of coordination seems to be explicit, centralized, involving of every party in the world, and something like cooperating on a prisoners’ dilemma: incentives push every rational party toward defection at all times, yet maybe through deontological virtues or sophisticated decision theories or strong international treaties, everyone manages to not defect for enough teetering moments to find another solution.
That is a possible way coordination could be. (And I think one that shouldn’t be seen as so hopeless—the world has actually coordinated on some impressive things, e.g. nuclear non-proliferation.) But if what you want is for lots of people to coincide in doing one thing when they might have done another, then there are quite a few ways of achieving that.
Consider some other case studies of coordinated behavior:
These are all cases of very broadscale coordination of behavior, none of which involve prisoners’ dilemma type situations, or people making explicit agreements which they then have an incentive to break. They do not involve centralized organization of huge multilateral agreements. Coordinated behavior can come from everyone individually wanting to make a certain choice for correlated reasons, or from people wanting to do things that those around them are doing, or from distributed behavioral dynamics such as punishment of violations, or from collaboration in thinking about a topic.
You might think they are weird examples that aren’t very related to AI. I think, a) it’s important to remember the plethora of weird dynamics that actually arise in human group behavior and not get carried away theorizing about AI in a world drained of everything but prisoners’ dilemmas and binding commitments, and b) the above are actually all potentially relevant dynamics here.
If AI in fact poses a large existential risk within our lifetimes, such that it is net bad for any particular individual, then the situation in theory looks a lot like that in the ‘avoiding eating sand’ case. It’s an option that a rational person wouldn’t want to take if they were just alone and not facing any kind of multi-agent situation. If AI is that dangerous, then not taking this inferior option could largely come from a coordination mechanism as simple as distribution of good information. (You still need to deal with irrational people and people with unusual values.)
But even failing coordinated caution from ubiquitous insight into the situation, other models might work. For instance, if there came to be somewhat widespread concern that AI research is bad, that might substantially lessen participation in it, beyond the set of people who are concerned, via mechanisms similar to those described above. Or it might give rise to a wide crop of local regulation, enforcing whatever behavior is deemed acceptable. Such regulation need not be centrally organized across the world to serve the purpose of coordinating the world, as long as it grew up in different places similarly. Which might happen because different locales have similar interests (all rational governments should be similarly concerned about losing power to automated power-seeking systems with unverifiable goals), or because—as with individuals—there are social dynamics which support norms arising in a non-centralized way.
The arms race model and its alternatives
Ok, maybe in principle you might hope to coordinate to not do self-destructive things, but realistically, if the US tries to slow down, won’t China or Facebook or someone less cautious take over the world?
Let’s be more careful about the game we are playing, game-theoretically speaking.
The arms race
What is an arms race, game theoretically? It’s an iterated prisoners’ dilemma, seems to me. Each round looks something like this:
In this example, building weapons costs one unit. If anyone ends the round with more weapons than anyone else, they take all of their stuff (ten units).
In a single round of the game it’s always better to build weapons than not (assuming your actions are devoid of implications about your opponent’s actions). And it’s always better to get the hell out of this game.
This is not much like what the current AI situation looks like, if you think AI poses a substantial risk of destroying the world.
The suicide race
A closer model: as above except if anyone chooses to build, everything is destroyed (everyone loses all their stuff—ten units of value—as well as one unit if they built).
This is importantly different from the classic ‘arms race’ in that pressing the ‘everyone loses now’ button isn’t an equilibrium strategy.
That is: for anyone who thinks powerful misaligned AI represents near-certain death, the existence of other possible AI builders is not any reason to ‘race’.
But few people are that pessimistic. How about a milder version where there’s a good chance that the players ‘align the AI’?
The safety-or-suicide race
Ok, let’s do a game like the last but where if anyone builds, everything is only maybe destroyed (minus ten to all), and in the case of survival, everyone returns to the original arms race fun of redistributing stuff based on who built more than whom (+10 to a builder and -10 to a non-builder if there is one of each). So if you build AI alone, and get lucky on the probabilistic apocalypse, can still win big.
Let’s take 50% as the chance of doom if any building happens. Then we have a game whose expected payoffs are half way between those in the last two games:
Now you want to do whatever the other player is doing: build if they’ll build, pass if they’ll pass.
If the odds of destroying the world were very low, this would become the original arms race, and you’d always want to build. If very high, it would become the suicide race, and you’d never want to build. What the probabilities have to be in the real world to get you into something like these different phases is going to be different, because all these parameters are made up (the downside of human extinction is not 10x the research costs of building powerful AI, for instance).
But my point stands: even in terms of simplish models, it’s very non-obvious that we are in or near an arms race. And therefore, very non-obvious that racing to build advanced AI faster is even promising at a first pass.
In less game-theoretic terms: if you don’t seem anywhere near solving alignment, then racing as hard as you can to be the one who it falls upon to have solved alignment—especially if that means having less time to do so, though I haven’t discussed that here—is probably unstrategic. Having more ideologically pro-safety AI designers win an ‘arms race’ against less concerned teams is futile if you don’t have a way for such people to implement enough safety to actually not die, which seems like a very live possibility. (Robby Bensinger and maybe Andrew Critch somewhere make similar points.)
Conversations with my friends on this kind of topic can go like this:
The complicated race/anti-race
Here is a spreadsheet of models you can make a copy of and play with.
The first model is like this:
The second model is the same except that instead of dividing effort between safety and capabilities, you choose a speed, and the amount of alignment being done by each party is an exogenous parameter.
These models probably aren’t very good, but so far support a key claim I want to make here: it’s pretty non-obvious whether one should go faster or slower in this kind of scenario—it’s sensitive to a lot of different parameters in plausible ranges.
Furthermore, I don’t think the results of quantitative analysis match people’s intuitions here.
For example, here’s a situation which I think sounds intuitively like a you-should-race world, but where in the first model above, you should actually go as slowly as possible (this should be the one plugged into the spreadsheet now):
Your best bet here (on this model) is still to maximize safety investment. Why? Because by aggressively pursuing safety, you can get the other side half way to full safety, which is worth a lot more than than the lost chance of winning. Especially since if you ‘win’, you do so without much safety, and your victory without safety is worse than your opponent’s victory with safety, even if that too is far from perfect.
So if you are in a situation in this space, and the other party is racing, it’s not obvious if it is even in your narrow interests within the game to go faster at the expense of safety, though it may be.
These models are flawed in many ways, but I think they are better than the intuitive models that support arms-racing. My guess is that the next better still models remain nuanced.
Other equilibria and other games
Even if it would be in your interests to race if the other person were racing, ‘(do nothing, do nothing)’ is often an equilibrium too in these games. At least for various settings of the parameters. It doesn’t necessarily make sense to do nothing in the hope of getting to that equilibrium if you know your opponent to be mistaken about that and racing anyway, but in conjunction with communicating with your ‘opponent’, it seems like a theoretically good strategy.
This has all been assuming the structure of the game. I think the traditional response to an arms race situation is to remember that you are in a more elaborate world with all kinds of unmodeled affordances, and try to get out of the arms race.
Being friends with risk-takers
Caution is cooperative
Another big concern is that pushing for slower AI progress is ‘defecting’ against AI researchers who are friends of the AI safety community.
For instance Steven Byrnes:
(Also a good example of the view criticized earlier, that regulation of things that create jobs and cure diseases just doesn’t happen.)
Or Eliezer Yudkowsky, on worry that spreading fear about AI would alienate top AI labs:
I don’t think this is a natural or reasonable way to see things, because:
It could be that people in control of AI capabilities would respond negatively to AI safety people pushing for slower progress. But that should be called ‘we might get punished’ not ‘we shouldn’t defect’. ‘Defection’ has moral connotations that are not due. Calling one side pushing for their preferred outcome ‘defection’ unfairly disempowers them by wrongly setting commonsense morality against them.
At least if it is the safety side. If any of the available actions are ‘defection’ that the world in general should condemn, I claim that it is probably ‘building machines that will plausibly destroy the world, or standing by while it happens’.
(This would be more complicated if the people involved were confident that they wouldn’t destroy the world and I merely disagreed with them. But about half of surveyed researchers are actually more pessimistic than me. And in a situation where the median AI researcher thinks the field has a 5-10% chance of causing human extinction, how confident can any responsible person be in their own judgment that it is safe?)
On top of all that, I worry that highlighting the narrative that wanting more cautious progress is defection is further destructive, because it makes it more likely that AI capabilities people see AI safety people as thinking of themselves as betraying AI researchers, if anyone engages in any such efforts. Which makes the efforts more aggressive. Like, if every time you see friends, you refer to it as ‘cheating on my partner’, your partner may reasonably feel hurt by your continual desire to see friends, even though the activity itself is innocuous.
‘We’ are not the US, ‘we’ are not the AI safety community
“If ‘we’ try to slow down AI, then the other side might win.” “If ‘we’ ask for regulation, then it might harm ‘our’ relationships with AI capabilities companies.” Who are these ‘we’s? Why are people strategizing for those groups in particular?
Even if slowing AI were uncooperative, and it were important for the AI Safety community to cooperate with the AI capabilities community, couldn’t one of the many people not in the AI Safety community work on it?
I have a longstanding irritation with thoughtless talk about what ‘we’ should do, without regard for what collective one is speaking for. So I may be too sensitive about it here. But I think confusions arising from this have genuine consequences.
I think when people say ‘we’ here, they generally imagine that they are strategizing on behalf of, a) the AI safety community, b) the USA, c) themselves or d) they and their readers. But those are a small subset of people, and not even obviously the ones the speaker can most influence (does the fact that you are sitting in the US really make the US more likely to listen to your advice than e.g. Estonia? Yeah probably on average, but not infinitely much.) If these naturally identified-with groups don’t have good options, that hardly means there are no options to be had, or to be communicated to other parties. Could the speaker speak to a different ‘we’? Maybe someone in the ‘we’ the speaker has in mind knows someone not in that group? If there is a strategy for anyone in the world, and you can talk, then there is probably a strategy for you.
The starkest appearance of error along these lines to me is in writing off the slowing of AI as inherently destructive of relations between the AI safety community and other AI researchers. If we grant that such activity would be seen as a betrayal (which seems unreasonable to me, but maybe), surely it could only be a betrayal if carried out by the AI safety community. There are quite a lot of people who aren’t in the AI safety community and have a stake in this, so maybe some of them could do something. It seems like a huge oversight to give up on all slowing of AI progress because you are only considering affordances available to the AI Safety Community.
Another example: if the world were in the basic arms race situation sometimes imagined, and the United States would be willing to make laws to mitigate AI risk, but could not because China would barge ahead, then that means China is in a great place to mitigate AI risk. Unlike the US, China could propose mutual slowing down, and the US would go along. Maybe it’s not impossible to communicate this to relevant people in China.
An oddity of this kind of discussion which feels related is the persistent assumption that one’s ability to act is restricted to the United States. Maybe I fail to understand the extent to which Asia is an alien and distant land where agency doesn’t apply, but for instance I just wrote to like a thousand machine learning researchers there, and maybe a hundred wrote back, and it was a lot like interacting with people in the US.
I’m pretty ignorant about what interventions will work in any particular country, including the US, but I just think it’s weird to come to the table assuming that you can essentially only affect things in one country. Especially if the situation is that you believe you have unique knowledge about what is in the interests of people in other countries. Like, fair enough I would be deal-breaker-level pessimistic if you wanted to get an Asian government to elect you leader or something. But if you think advanced AI is highly likely to destroy the world, including other countries, then the situation is totally different. If you are right, then everyone’s incentives are basically aligned.
I more weakly suspect some related mental shortcut is misshaping the discussion of arms races in general. The thought that something is a ‘race’ seems much stickier than alternatives, even if the true incentives don’t really make it a race. Like, against the laws of game theory, people sort of expect the enemy to try to believe falsehoods, because it will better contribute to their racing. And this feels like realism. The uncertain details of billions of people one barely knows about, with all manner of interests and relationships, just really wants to form itself into an ‘us’ and a ‘them’ in zero-sum battle. This is a mental shortcut that could really kill us.
My impression is that in practice, for many of the technologies slowed down for risk or ethics, mentioned in section ‘Extremely valuable technologies’ above, countries with fairly disparate cultures have converged on similar approaches to caution. I take this as evidence that none of ethical thought, social influence, political power, or rationality are actually very siloed by country, and in general the ‘countries in contest’ model of everything isn’t very good.
Notes on tractability
Convincing people doesn’t seem that hard
When I say that ‘coordination’ can just look like popular opinion punishing an activity, or that other countries don’t have much real incentive to build machines that will kill them, I think a common objection is that convincing people of the real situation is hopeless. The picture seems to be that the argument for AI risk is extremely sophisticated and only able to be appreciated by the most elite of intellectual elites—e.g. it’s hard enough to convince professors on Twitter, so surely the masses are beyond its reach, and foreign governments too.
This doesn’t match my overall experience on various fronts.
Some observations:
My weak guess is that immovable AI risk skeptics are concentrated in intellectual circles near the AI risk people, especially on Twitter, and that people with less of a horse in the intellectual status race are more readily like, ‘oh yeah, superintelligent robots are probably bad’. It’s not clear that most people even need convincing that there is a problem, though they don’t seem to consider it the most pressing problem in the world. (Though all of this may be different in cultures I am more distant from, e.g. in China.) I’m pretty non-confident about this, but skimming survey evidence suggests there is substantial though not overwhelming public concern about AI in the US8.
Do you need to convince everyone?
I could be wrong, but I’d guess convincing the ten most relevant leaders of AI labs that this is a massive deal, worth prioritizing, actually gets you a decent slow-down. I don’t have much evidence for this.
Buying time is big
You probably aren’t going to avoid AGI forever, and maybe huge efforts will buy you a couple of years.9 Could that even be worth it?
Seems pretty plausible:
It is also not obvious to me that these are the time-scales on the table. My sense is that things which are slowed down by regulation or general societal distaste are often slowed down much more than a year or two, and Eliezer’s stories presume that the world is full of collectives either trying to destroy the world or badly mistaken about it, which is not a foregone conclusion.
Delay is probably finite by default
While some people worry that any delay would be so short as to be negligible, others seem to fear that if AI research were halted, it would never start again and we would fail to go to space or something. This sounds so wild to me that I think I’m missing too much of the reasoning to usefully counterargue.
Obstruction doesn’t need discernment
Another purported risk of trying to slow things down is that it might involve getting regulators involved, and they might be fairly ignorant about the details of futuristic AI, and so tenaciously make the wrong regulations. Relatedly, if you call on the public to worry about this, they might have inexacting worries that call for impotent solutions and distract from the real disaster.
I don’t buy it. If all you want is to slow down a broad area of activity, my guess is that ignorant regulations do just fine at that every day (usually unintentionally). In particular, my impression is that if you mess up regulating things, a usual outcome is that many things are randomly slower than hoped. If you wanted to speed a specific thing up, that’s a very different story, and might require understanding the thing in question.
The same goes for social opposition. Nobody need understand the details of how genetic engineering works for its ascendancy to be seriously impaired by people not liking it. Maybe by their lights it still isn’t optimally undermined yet, but just not liking anything in the vicinity does go a long way.
This has nothing to do with regulation or social shaming specifically. You need to understand much less about a car or a country or a conversation to mess it up than to make it run well. It is a consequence of the general rule that there are many more ways for a thing to be dysfunctional than functional: destruction is easier than creation.
Back at the object level, I tentatively expect efforts to broadly slow down things in the vicinity of AI progress to slow down AI progress on net, even if poorly aimed.
Safety from speed, clout from complicity
Maybe it’s actually better for safety to have AI go fast at present, for various reasons. Notably:
And maybe it’s worth it to work on capabilities research at present, for instance because:
These all seem plausible. But also plausibly wrong. I don’t know of a decisive analysis of any of these considerations, and am not going to do one here. My impression is that they could basically all go either way.
I am actually particularly skeptical of the final argument, because if you believe what I take to be the normal argument for AI risk—that superhuman artificial agents won’t have acceptable values, and will aggressively manifest whatever values they do have, to the sooner or later annihilation of humanity—then the sentiments of the people turning on such machines seem like a very small factor, so long as they still turn the machines on. And I suspect that ‘having a person with my values doing X’ is commonly overrated. But the world is messier than these models, and I’d still pay a lot to be in the room to try.
Moods and philosophies, heuristics and attitudes
It’s not clear what role these psychological characters should play in a rational assessment of how to act, but I think they do play a role, so I want to argue about them.
Technological choice is not luddism
Some technologies are better than others [citation not needed]. The best pro-technology visions should disproportionately involve awesome technologies and avoid shitty technologies, I claim. If you think AGI is highly likely to destroy the world, then it is the pinnacle of shittiness as a technology. Being opposed to having it into your techno-utopia is about as luddite as refusing to have radioactive toothpaste there. Colloquially, Luddites are against progress if it comes as technology.10 Even if that’s a terrible position, its wise reversal is not the endorsement of all ‘technology’, regardless of whether it comes as progress.
Non-AGI visions of near-term thriving
Perhaps slowing down AI progress means foregoing our own generation’s hope for life-changing technologies. Some people thus find it psychologically difficult to aim for less AI progress (with its real personal costs), rather than shooting for the perhaps unlikely ‘safe AGI soon’ scenario.
I’m not sure that this is a real dilemma. The narrow AI progress we have seen already—i.e. further applications of current techniques at current scales—seems plausibly able to help a lot with longevity and other medicine for instance. And to the extent AI efforts could be focused on e.g. medically relevant narrow systems over creating agentic scheming gods, it doesn’t sound crazy to imagine making more progress on anti-aging etc as a result (even before taking into account the probability that the agentic scheming god does not prioritize your physical wellbeing as hoped). Others disagree with me here.
Robust priors vs. specific galaxy-brained models
There are things that are robustly good in the world, and things that are good on highly specific inside-view models and terrible if those models are wrong. Slowing dangerous tech development seems like the former, whereas forwarding arms races for dangerous tech between world superpowers seems more like the latter.11 There is a general question of how much to trust your reasoning and risk the galaxy-brained plan.12 But whatever your take on that, I think we should all agree that the less thought you have put into it, the more you should regress to the robustly good actions. Like, if it just occurred to you to take out a large loan to buy a fancy car, you probably shouldn’t do it because most of the time it’s a poor choice. Whereas if you have been thinking about it for a month, you might be sure enough that you are in the rare situation where it will pay off.
On this particular topic, it feels like people are going with the specific galaxy-brained inside-view terrible-if-wrong model off the bat, then not thinking about it more.
Cheems mindset/can’t do attitude
Suppose you have a friend, and you say ‘let’s go to the beach’ to them. Sometimes the friend is like ‘hell yes’ and then even if you don’t have towels or a mode of transport or time or a beach, you make it happen. Other times, even if you have all of those things, and your friend nominally wants to go to the beach, they will note that they have a package coming later, and that it might be windy, and their jacket needs washing. And when you solve those problems, they will note that it’s not that long until dinner time. You might infer that in the latter case your friend just doesn’t want to go to the beach. And sometimes that is the main thing going on! But I think there are also broader differences in attitudes: sometimes people are looking for ways to make things happen, and sometimes they are looking for reasons that they can’t happen. This is sometimes called a ‘cheems attitude’, or I like to call it (more accessibly) a ‘can’t do attitude’.
My experience in talking about slowing down AI with people is that they seem to have a can’t do attitude. They don’t want it to be a reasonable course: they want to write it off.
Which both seems suboptimal, and is strange in contrast with historical attitudes to more technical problem-solving. (As highlighted in my dialogue from the start of the post.)
It seems to me that if the same degree of can’t-do attitude were applied to technical safety, there would be no AI safety community because in 2005 Eliezer would have noticed any obstacles to alignment and given up and gone home.
To quote a friend on this, what would it look like if we *actually tried*?
Conclusion
This has been a miscellany of critiques against a pile of reasons I’ve met for not thinking about slowing down AI progress. I don’t think we’ve seen much reason here to be very pessimistic about slowing down AI, let alone reason for not even thinking about it.
I could go either way on whether any interventions to slow down AI in the near term are a good idea. My tentative guess is yes, but my main point here is just that we should think about it.
A lot of opinions on this subject seem to me to be poorly thought through, in error, and to have wrongly repelled the further thought that might rectify them. I hope to have helped a bit here by examining some such considerations enough to demonstrate that there are no good grounds for immediate dismissal. There are difficulties and questions, but if the same standards for ambition were applied here as elsewhere, I think we would see answers and action.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Adam Scholl, Matthijs Maas, Joe Carlsmith, Ben Weinstein-Raun, Ronny Fernandez, Aysja Johnson, Jaan Tallinn, Rick Korzekwa, Owain Evans, Andrew Critch, Michael Vassar, Jessica Taylor, Rohin Shah, Jeffrey Heninger, Zach Stein-Perlman, Anthony Aguirre, Matthew Barnett, David Krueger, Harlan Stewart, Rafe Kennedy, Nick Beckstead, Leopold Aschenbrenner, Michaël Trazzi, Oliver Habryka, Shahar Avin, Luke Muehlhauser, Michael Nielsen, Nathan Young and quite a few others for discussion and/or encouragement.
Notes
1 I haven’t heard this in recent times, so maybe views have changed. An example of earlier times: Nick Beckstead, 2015: “One idea we sometimes hear is that it would be harmful to speed up the development of artificial intelligence because not enough work has been done to ensure that when very advanced artificial intelligence is created, it will be safe. This problem, it is argued, would be even worse if progress in the field accelerated. However, very advanced artificial intelligence could be a useful tool for overcoming other potential global catastrophic risks. If it comes sooner—and the world manages to avoid the risks that it poses directly—the world will spend less time at risk from these other factors….
I found that speeding up advanced artificial intelligence—according to my simple interpretation of these survey results—could easily result in reduced net exposure to the most extreme global catastrophic risks…”
2 This is closely related to Bostrom’s Technological completion conjecture: “If scientific and technological development efforts do not effectively cease, then all important basic capabilities that could be obtained through some possible technology will be obtained.” (Bostrom, Superintelligence, pp. 228, Chapter 14, 2014)
Bostrom illustrates this kind of position (though apparently rejects it; from Superintelligence, found here): “Suppose that a policymaker proposes to cut funding for a certain research field, out of concern for the risks or long-term consequences of some hypothetical technology that might eventually grow from its soil. She can then expect a howl of opposition from the research community. Scientists and their public advocates often say that it is futile to try to control the evolution of technology by blocking research. If some technology is feasible (the argument goes) it will be developed regardless of any particular policymaker’s scruples about speculative future risks. Indeed, the more powerful the capabilities that a line of development promises to produce, the surer we can be that somebody, somewhere, will be motivated to pursue it. Funding cuts will not stop progress or forestall its concomitant dangers.”
This kind of thing is also discussed by Dafoe and Sundaram, Maas & Beard
3 (Some inspiration from Matthijs Maas’ spreadsheet, from Paths Untaken, and from GPT-3.)
4 From a private conversation with Rick Korzekwa, who may have read https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1139110/ and an internal draft at AI Impacts, probably forthcoming.
5 More here and here. I haven’t read any of these, but it’s been a topic of discussion for a while.
6 “To aid in promoting secrecy, schemes to improve incentives were devised. One method sometimes used was for authors to send papers to journals to establish their claim to the finding but ask that publication of the papers be delayed indefinitely.26,27,28,29 Szilárd also suggested offering funding in place of credit in the short term for scientists willing to submit to secrecy and organizing limited circulation of key papers.30” – Me, previously
7 ‘Lock-in’ of values is the act of using powerful technology such as AI to ensure that specific values will stably control the future.
8 And also in Britain:
‘This paper discusses the results of a nationally representative survey of the UK population on their perceptions of AI…the most common visions of the impact of AI elicit significant anxiety. Only two of the eight narratives elicited more excitement than concern (AI making life easier, and extending life). Respondents felt they had no control over AI’s development, citing the power of corporations or government, or versions of technological determinism. Negotiating the deployment of AI will require contending with these anxieties.’
9 Or so worries Eliezer Yudkowsky—
In MIRI announces new “Death With Dignity” strategy:
In AGI Ruin: A List of Lethalities:
10 I’d guess real Luddites also thought the technological changes they faced were anti-progress, but in that case were they wrong to want to avoid them?
11 I hear this is an elaboration on this theme, but I haven’t read it.
12 Leopold Aschenbrenner partly defines ‘Burkean Longtermism’ thus: “We should be skeptical of any radical inside-view schemes to positively steer the long-run future, given the froth of uncertainty about the consequences of our actions.”